Trump’s Hires Will Set Course of His Presidency
Trump’s Hires Will Set Course of His Presidency
 |
| Stephen K. Bannon, fourth from left, and Reince Priebus, second from right, during Donald J. Trump’s victory speech. Both are on a short list for chief of staff, according to people close to the campaign.Stephen Crowley/The New York Times |
WASHINGTON — “Busy day planned in New York,” President-elect
Donald J. Trump said on Twitter on Friday morning, two days after his astonishing victory. “Will soon be making some very important
decisions on the people who will be running our government!”
Donald J. Trump said on Twitter on Friday morning, two days after his astonishing victory. “Will soon be making some very important
decisions on the people who will be running our government!”
If anything, that understates the gravity of the personnel choices
Mr. Trump and his transition team are weighing.
Mr. Trump and his transition team are weighing.
Rarely in the history of the American presidency has the exercise of choosing people to fill jobs had such a far-reaching impact on the
nature and priorities of an incoming administration. Unlike most new presidents, Mr. Trump comes into office with no elective-office
experience, no coherent political agenda and no bulging binder
of policy proposals. And he has left a trail of inflammatory, often contradictory, statements on issues from immigration and
race to terrorism and geopolitics.
nature and priorities of an incoming administration. Unlike most new presidents, Mr. Trump comes into office with no elective-office
experience, no coherent political agenda and no bulging binder
of policy proposals. And he has left a trail of inflammatory, often contradictory, statements on issues from immigration and
race to terrorism and geopolitics.
In such a chaotic environment, serving a president who is in many
ways a tabula rasa, the appointees to key White House jobs like
chief of staff and cabinet posts like secretary of state, defense secretary
and Treasury secretary could wield outsize influence. Their selection
will help determine whether the Trump administration governs like the firebrand Mr. Trump was on the campaign trail or the pragmatist he
often appears to be behind closed doors.
ways a tabula rasa, the appointees to key White House jobs like
chief of staff and cabinet posts like secretary of state, defense secretary
and Treasury secretary could wield outsize influence. Their selection
will help determine whether the Trump administration governs like the firebrand Mr. Trump was on the campaign trail or the pragmatist he
often appears to be behind closed doors.
“A new president is really vulnerable and open to all sorts of influence
by strong-willed advisers,” said Robert Dallek, a presidential historian. “Trump’s appointments over the next six weeks will be very significant because they can show whether he wants to create some unity in the country, or whether he really intends to deliver on his ideas.”
by strong-willed advisers,” said Robert Dallek, a presidential historian. “Trump’s appointments over the next six weeks will be very significant because they can show whether he wants to create some unity in the country, or whether he really intends to deliver on his ideas.”
One of the influences on Mr. Trump could come from an unlikely
quarter: President Obama. Meeting in the Oval Office on Thursday,
Mr. Trump
said he looked forward “to dealing with the president in the future, including counsel.” A day later, in interviews with The Wall Street Journal and “60 Minutes,’’ he said he had decided to retain elements
of Mr. Obama’s landmark health care law after their conversation —
a hint, at least, that he might govern less radically than he had
campaigned.
quarter: President Obama. Meeting in the Oval Office on Thursday,
Mr. Trump
said he looked forward “to dealing with the president in the future, including counsel.” A day later, in interviews with The Wall Street Journal and “60 Minutes,’’ he said he had decided to retain elements
of Mr. Obama’s landmark health care law after their conversation —
a hint, at least, that he might govern less radically than he had
campaigned.
White House officials expressed hope that Mr. Obama would be
able to impress on Mr. Trump the importance of other parts of his
legacy, like the Paris climate accord and the Iran nuclear deal. The
two will have the kind of peer-to-peer relationship that only fellow presidents can have — something that administration officials hope
will appeal to Mr. Trump’s pride, as well as his desire to succeed,
and make him view Mr. Obama less as a rival.
able to impress on Mr. Trump the importance of other parts of his
legacy, like the Paris climate accord and the Iran nuclear deal. The
two will have the kind of peer-to-peer relationship that only fellow presidents can have — something that administration officials hope
will appeal to Mr. Trump’s pride, as well as his desire to succeed,
and make him view Mr. Obama less as a rival.
They conceded, though, that there was little historical precedent for
such a relationship, especially when the incoming president had
ousted the incumbent’s party after such an acrid campaign, and
that Mr. Trump and Mr. Obama were never likely to become buddies.
such a relationship, especially when the incoming president had
ousted the incumbent’s party after such an acrid campaign, and
that Mr. Trump and Mr. Obama were never likely to become buddies.
Mr. Trump is drawing mainly from a pool of trusted aides and
supporters, according to people familiar with the campaign. On
Friday, he named three of his grown children — Ivanka, Donald
Jr. and Eric — as well as his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, to his
transition team, an arrangement that rang alarm bells in Washington because
they will also manage his businesses. The Trump family, it is clear,
will wield unusual power in the composition of an administration
that is
already shaping up as remarkable for its clannishness.
supporters, according to people familiar with the campaign. On
Friday, he named three of his grown children — Ivanka, Donald
Jr. and Eric — as well as his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, to his
transition team, an arrangement that rang alarm bells in Washington because
they will also manage his businesses. The Trump family, it is clear,
will wield unusual power in the composition of an administration
that is
already shaping up as remarkable for its clannishness.
Even within Mr. Trump’s tight circle, however, there are sharp
differences in ideology, background and temperament that could
play out in how the White House deals with Congress and how
the United States deals with the rest of the world.
differences in ideology, background and temperament that could
play out in how the White House deals with Congress and how
the United States deals with the rest of the world.
Perhaps the deepest schism is between Stephen K. Bannon, the
conservative provocateur and media entrepreneur who was
Mr. Trump’s campaign chairman, and Reince Priebus, the
Republican Party chairman who came to terms with Mr. Trump’s candidacy.
Both are on a short list for chief of staff, according to people close
to the campaign, and whoever is chosen, the other is likely to get
another senior White House post.
conservative provocateur and media entrepreneur who was
Mr. Trump’s campaign chairman, and Reince Priebus, the
Republican Party chairman who came to terms with Mr. Trump’s candidacy.
Both are on a short list for chief of staff, according to people close
to the campaign, and whoever is chosen, the other is likely to get
another senior White House post.
Each would bring a radically different approach to a job often
called the second-most powerful in Washington — gatekeeper
to the president and often the first and last person he sees in
the Oval Office.
called the second-most powerful in Washington — gatekeeper
to the president and often the first and last person he sees in
the Oval Office.
Mr. Bannon, the executive chairman of the conservative website
Breitbart News and onetime Goldman Sachs executive, is an avowed
enemy of House Speaker Paul D. Ryan. An anti-establishment verbal
bomb thrower with ties to the alt-right movement, Mr. Bannon may
have little interest in compromising with the Republican-controlled Congress under its current leadership. He is an unabashed critic of the current immigration system and repeatedly encouraged Mr. Trump to appeal to the party’s base in the closing days of the campaign with arguments against globalization.
Breitbart News and onetime Goldman Sachs executive, is an avowed
enemy of House Speaker Paul D. Ryan. An anti-establishment verbal
bomb thrower with ties to the alt-right movement, Mr. Bannon may
have little interest in compromising with the Republican-controlled Congress under its current leadership. He is an unabashed critic of the current immigration system and repeatedly encouraged Mr. Trump to appeal to the party’s base in the closing days of the campaign with arguments against globalization.
Mr. Priebus, a party loyalist who tried to reconcile Republican leaders
with their renegade nominee, would most likely build bridges to
Mr. Ryan and other Republican leaders. A Washington insider
with a reputation for being easy to work with, Mr. Priebus would
operate a more traditional White House, though given Mr. Trump’s flamboyant personality, traditional is a relative term.
with their renegade nominee, would most likely build bridges to
Mr. Ryan and other Republican leaders. A Washington insider
with a reputation for being easy to work with, Mr. Priebus would
operate a more traditional White House, though given Mr. Trump’s flamboyant personality, traditional is a relative term.
 |
| Meeting with President Obama in the Oval Office on Thursday, Mr. Trump said he looked forward “to dealing with the president in the future, including counsel.” |
In some ways, Mr. Bannon and Mr. Priebus are proxies for the larger
battle over what kind of president Mr. Trump will be. Some former Republican officials held out hope that Mr. Trump would be
receptive to moderating influences, but others worried that he
would simply listen to the last person he spoke to.
“You always have that tension between what he said to get elected
and what he actually believes,” said John D. Negroponte, a former
director of national intelligence under President George W. Bush.
“How selective will his amnesia be?”
and what he actually believes,” said John D. Negroponte, a former
director of national intelligence under President George W. Bush.
“How selective will his amnesia be?”
Mr. Negroponte, a Republican who supported Hillary Clinton
in the campaign, said he could imagine senior members of
Mr. Trump’s National Security Council warning him about
the dangers of “cutting loose countries from our nuclear umbrella,
” which Mr. Trump threatened during the campaign to do in
reference to Japan and South Korea.
in the campaign, said he could imagine senior members of
Mr. Trump’s National Security Council warning him about
the dangers of “cutting loose countries from our nuclear umbrella,
” which Mr. Trump threatened during the campaign to do in
reference to Japan and South Korea.
But there could be a parallel battle for Mr. Trump’s soul in foreign
policy. Lt. Gen. Michael T. Flynn, a retired career intelligence
officer who is Mr. Trump’s closest foreign-policy adviser, is a
candidate for national security adviser, according to an internal
transition document obtained by the conservative news site
The Daily Caller, as is Stephen J. Hadley, who served in that
capacity for Mr. Bush.
policy. Lt. Gen. Michael T. Flynn, a retired career intelligence
officer who is Mr. Trump’s closest foreign-policy adviser, is a
candidate for national security adviser, according to an internal
transition document obtained by the conservative news site
The Daily Caller, as is Stephen J. Hadley, who served in that
capacity for Mr. Bush.
Mr. Hadley, who might also be considered for defense secretary,
pushed Mr. Bush to undertake the troop surge in Iraq and is
closely identified with the military interventionism of that
administration. A key figure in the Republican foreign-policy
establishment, Mr. Hadley had a hand in Mr. Bush’s
second inaugural address, in which he called for the United States
to be an evangelist in spreading democracy — something
Mr. Trump has flatly rejected.
pushed Mr. Bush to undertake the troop surge in Iraq and is
closely identified with the military interventionism of that
administration. A key figure in the Republican foreign-policy
establishment, Mr. Hadley had a hand in Mr. Bush’s
second inaugural address, in which he called for the United States
to be an evangelist in spreading democracy — something
Mr. Trump has flatly rejected.
General Flynn, a registered Democrat, has criticized the
neoconservative policies of the Bush administration for leading
the United States into quagmires like Iraq. “They’ve gotten us
into mess after mess for the wrong reasons,” he said, echoing
Mr. Trump’s harsh criticism of Mr. Bush during the Republican
debates. And like Mr. Trump, General Flynn is withering about
the foreign-policy establishment of both parties.
neoconservative policies of the Bush administration for leading
the United States into quagmires like Iraq. “They’ve gotten us
into mess after mess for the wrong reasons,” he said, echoing
Mr. Trump’s harsh criticism of Mr. Bush during the Republican
debates. And like Mr. Trump, General Flynn is withering about
the foreign-policy establishment of both parties.
It may seem counterintuitive for Mr. Trump to recruit a Bush
administration veteran. But Peter D. Feaver, who worked on
President Bush’s national security council and now teaches
at Duke University, pointed out that Mr. Obama had
campaigned “vociferously against the Iraq surge, and then
asked the architect of the surge” — Robert M. Gates —
“to stay.” Mr. Gates, as defense secretary, later persuaded
Mr. Obama to deploy a similar surge in Afghanistan.
administration veteran. But Peter D. Feaver, who worked on
President Bush’s national security council and now teaches
at Duke University, pointed out that Mr. Obama had
campaigned “vociferously against the Iraq surge, and then
asked the architect of the surge” — Robert M. Gates —
“to stay.” Mr. Gates, as defense secretary, later persuaded
Mr. Obama to deploy a similar surge in Afghanistan.
“You can say one thing in campaigns, and mean it,” Mr. Feaver said,
“and in personnel matters, do the opposite.”
“and in personnel matters, do the opposite.”
The contest for top economic posts does not expose the same
ideological fault lines as those for the White House or national
security jobs. But it does raise red flags, given the anti-establishment,
anti-Wall Street sentiment that Mr. Trump stoked during the
campaign.
ideological fault lines as those for the White House or national
security jobs. But it does raise red flags, given the anti-establishment,
anti-Wall Street sentiment that Mr. Trump stoked during the
campaign.
Several of the candidates on his short list for Treasury secretary come
from Wall Street, including Steven Mnuchin, a former Goldman Sachs partner who was the finance chairman of Mr. Trump’s campaign, and
Jamie Dimon, the chief executive of JPMorgan Chase. People close to
Mr. Dimon said he was not interested in the job.
from Wall Street, including Steven Mnuchin, a former Goldman Sachs partner who was the finance chairman of Mr. Trump’s campaign, and
Jamie Dimon, the chief executive of JPMorgan Chase. People close to
Mr. Dimon said he was not interested in the job.
Another candidate is a conservative Texas congressman, Jeb
Hensarling, who has called for the repeal the Dodd-Frank Act,
the banking regulations passed after the financial crisis,
during Mr. Obama’s first term.
Hensarling, who has called for the repeal the Dodd-Frank Act,
the banking regulations passed after the financial crisis,
during Mr. Obama’s first term.
The least predictable source of influence on Mr. Trump remains
Mr. Obama. For all their differences, and the bitter words they
flung at each other during the campaign, the two share traits. Both
won the presidency as outsiders, and both hold their party’s
foreign-policy establishment in contempt.
Mr. Obama. For all their differences, and the bitter words they
flung at each other during the campaign, the two share traits. Both
won the presidency as outsiders, and both hold their party’s
foreign-policy establishment in contempt.
With Mr. Trump lacking elective-office experience or the political
coterie that accompanies establishment candidates to Washington, administration officials said Mr. Obama would probably spend more
time with him than was typical for other incoming and outgoing
presidents.
coterie that accompanies establishment candidates to Washington, administration officials said Mr. Obama would probably spend more
time with him than was typical for other incoming and outgoing
presidents.
And Mr. Trump, some outsiders predicted, would respect the advice
of a president 15 years younger, whose path to the White House
was nearly as improbable as his.
of a president 15 years younger, whose path to the White House
was nearly as improbable as his.
“If you’re looking at things from a hiring point of view, as Trump does, Obama could have done anything he wanted,” Douglas Brinkley,
a professor of history at Rice University, said in reference to
Mr. Obama’s career options. “That has to impress Trump.”
a professor of history at Rice University, said in reference to
Mr. Obama’s career options. “That has to impress Trump.”
-------------------
Maggie Haberman contributed reporting from New York, and Jackie Calmes from Washington.
No comments: